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Chandrababu Naidu and KCR: Similar strategy, but, will the result be the same

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Chandrababu Naidu and KCR: Similar strategy, but, will the result be the same

Chandrababu Naidu pursues an electoral strategy that is similar to one employed by his Telangana counterpart KCR. This includes a reliance on welfare schemes like direct cash transfers to farmers, increasing the amount of pension etc. Besides, Chandrababu Naidu is triggering Andhra sentiment citing KCR’s unwarranted intervention in Andhra Pradesh politics. In fact, KCR during the Telangana Assembly elections projected Naidu as an ‘invader’. The electoral strategy of Naidu and KCR look alike. But, will the result be the same given the different political terrain and electoral dynamics in the two neighbouring Telugu states?

Every party and politician is now relying on welfare schemes. The BJP government launched poll eve Prime minister Kisan scheme and the Congress responded by promising a minimum income guarantee scheme for India’s 20 per cent poor describing it as the final assault on poverty. Thus, KCR or Naidu is no different. Welfare schemes constitute a lion’s share of budgets in both states. In the election year, KCR launched the ambitious Rythu Bandhu scheme that credited Rs.8000 per acre per year directly into the accounts of all farmers. The central government’s PM Kisan scheme is, in fact, a watered down version of the KCR’s Rythu Bandhu scheme. Notwithstanding the political criticism by the opposition parties, this scheme certainly helped KCR in winning the elections the second time.

Learning from the Telangana experience, Andhra Pradesh Chief Minister and TDP supremo launched the Annadata Sukhibhava scheme. Similarly, pensions for the old aged and widows have been enhanced in both Telangana and Andhra Pradesh. Besides, the Chandrababu Naidu government credited Rs. 10,000 for every DWACRA woman. Even when the state of Andhra Pradesh was passing through fiscal crisis owing to what they call arbitrary bifurcation of the state, Naidu government continued with a slew of welfare schemes keeping the elections in mind. Populist schemes despite the criticism of it by economists, still hold sway over the electorate who seek instant relief from the government.

Telangana chief minister benefitted from targeting Chandrababu Naidu during Telangana elections. In a tit for tat, Naidu is now repeating exactly the same strategy. Chandrababu Naidu’s main poll plank is the alleged nexus between YS Jagan and KCR. Naidu’s attempt to rouse Andhra pride is quite similar to the KCR strategy of triggering Telangana sentiment.

But despite the similarity in electoral strategies, can the result be the same? Despite the United opposition taking on TRS, KCR’s popularity was quite formidable compared to the Congress-led opposition combine. In fact, the Congress-TDP alliance was more of a liability than an asset. On the contrary, Chandrababu Naidu is locked in a fierce electoral battle in a highly polarised political terrain. Unlike in Telangana, Andhra Pradesh witnesses acute social division in the electorate. The caste consolidation is clear between the warring players. Political observers are also sceptical about the possible impact on sentimental politics in Andhra Pradesh which is an entrepreneurial society. The character of the societies in both the states is dissimilar giving scope for such scepticism. KCR is adept at Telangana native idiom that can forcefully fire the regional sentiment. Chandrababu Naidu also won the elections in 2014 by exploiting the bifurcation sentiment. Will it now work as Naidu embraces congress, the author of such arbitrary bifurcation. Naidu hopes that the special status narrative will legitimise his political U-turn. The opposition YSR Congress is focussing on exposing the changed political stance of Chandrababu Naidu. KCR has not faced any such situation except the fact that he inducted many who had little or no role to play in Telangana movement. But, KCR could defend this by calling it political realignment for the development of a new state.

( Prof.K. Nageshwar is India’s noted political analyst. He is a former member of the Telangana Legislative Council and professor in the Department of Communication & Journalism, Osmania University, Hyderabad, India )

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Whither Rahul Gandhi’s Minimum Income Guarantee Scheme

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Whither Rahul Gandhi’s Minimum Income Guarantee Scheme

Congress president Rahul Gandhi announced a Universal Basic Income scheme that will provide minimum income support of Rs 72,0000 annually to impoverished Indian families earning less than Rs 12,000 per month. The scheme will be made available to 20 per cent of India’s most poor families. The party expects it to be a game changer in its efforts to stall Modi’s juggernaut. The programme would benefit 250 million of a population of 1.3 billion. The Congress president calls it a final assault on poverty. Thus, Rahul Gandhi unveils Garibi Hatao 2.0.

“In the past five years, people had to suffer a lot. Congress wants to give justice to the poor and eradicate poverty,” Rahul said, adding that “such a well-thought scheme has not been launched by anyone in the world.”
In fact, the Economic Survey of Modi government in 2016 considered Universal Basic Income Scheme (UBI) an alternative to a host of anti-poverty and social welfare schemes being implemented by central and state governments. Rahul Gandhi said that such a scheme has never been implemented anywhere in the world. But, it’s nothing but another name for the much debated and much disputed Direct Cash Transfers scheme.

In Switzerland, a referendum on June 2016 on UBI for the country had seen an overwhelming 77 per cent of the voters rejecting this. The NITI Aayog has already said India does not have necessary financial resources for the project. But, if the government really wants it can certainly find finances to implement it. Rahul Gandhi’s minimum guarantee scheme requires 3.6 lakh crores. This is around 13 per cent of the central government budget. In fact, the government of India loses revenue to the tune of 6 lakh crores due to myriad tax concessions.

Will the UBI be an alternative or another add-on to existing social welfare schemes, this is the moot question.
If UBI does away with PDS and MGNREGS, it would affect food security and further deepen farmers’ distress.
The other alternatives suggested is, to begin with implementing a universal basic pension and a decent minimum wage for all working people. Before embarking upon such ideational shifts in welfare policies, the government should author an economic policy regime that addresses the problem of humongous income inequalities.

The advocates of such schemes argue that there are leakages in the implementation of welfare schemes and therefore giving cash directly to the poor is a better idea. But, the paradigm shift away from the conventional approach to welfare is not without its share of implementation problems. If it’s truly a basic income to meet the basic needs of the people, it would entail a massive financial requirement. This requires massive taxation. Such indiscriminate high taxation can have negative consequences for the economy too. The basic income, when transferred in the form of cash, would be subject to constant devaluation due to inflation.

The cash transfers thus turn the Universal Basic Income into neither universal nor basic but a prescribed income for the targeted, whose value would see depreciation. Instead, the government should author a robust public policy regime that guarantees universal basic needs like education, health, nutrition, sanitation, drinking water etc. Any rollback of the public distribution system, mid-day meals, jobs scheme etc., would further erode India’s human development status.

( Prof.K. Nageshwar is India’s noted political analyst. He is a former member of the Telangana Legislative Council and professor in the Department of Communication & Journalism, Osmania University, Hyderabad, India )

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Congress Lags behind BJP in stitching together alliances

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Congress Lags behind BJP in stitching together alliances

In an age of coalition politics, the extent of alliances a party could successfully stitch together largely define the electoral mandate. The experience of 2004 and 2014 polls convincingly indicate the trend in Indian democracy. The BJP with its ruling arrogance failed to arrive at an electoral understanding with parties that matter in 2004 and lost the polls. Similarly, the Congress lagged behind BJP in 2014 in coalition management and paid the price for it. Thus, the 2019 mandate will be greatly decided by the extent of coalitions one can make or unmake.

At this point of time, the Modi-Shah led BJP seems to be ahead of its arch rival Congress in stitching together alliances. The saffron party has completed some of the complex coalition arrangements while the grand old party is still grappling with managing allies. However, we cannot ignore the point that the BJP in power enjoys the luxury of dictating terms to its allies while the Congress has to sensitively deal with its prospective allies.

The Congress knows pretty well that the smaller and regional parties are known for their political pusillanimity. These parties can swing towards any party at the centre given the prevailing post-poll arithmetic. The history of these parties gives ample indication for such a conclusion about them. Thus, Congress cannot retain its allies post-2019 unless it on its own makes a comeback by winning as many seats as it can. Emerging as a single largest party is critical for this. Thus, the Congress is caught between the need to maximise its own tally and yielding to its allies. The party has to contest in as many seats as possible to win a sizeable number of seats on its own. But, its dream of winning maximum seats cannot be realised unless it forges effective alliances. This is precisely the reason why the congress is relatively lagging behind the BJP in arriving at an electoral understanding.

Despite these limitations, the Congress has finalised its seat-sharing arrangement with Janata Dal(S) in the key state of Karnataka. The party together with JD(S) has a greater chance of reversing the fortunes of BJP. The BJP won 17 out of 28 Lok sabha seats in 2014, with Congress winning 9 and JD(S) winning the remaining two. Now, that the Congress and JD(S) are contesting together, the alliance has the potential to upset the BJP’s apple cart. This is evident from the recent by-election to Ballari seat defeating the mining mafia. The Karnataka is the only hope for the saffron brigade in south India.

It was certainly a difficult task to accomplish the seat sharing arrangement in Karnataka, where Congress shares a volatile relationship with JD(S) in the collation government. The JD(S) is strong in the old Mysore region where the Congress has most of its sitting seats. The JD(S) insisted for 12 seats. However, the JD(S ) finally agreed for eight seats with Congress contesting remaining 20 seats with latter agreeing to give up its claims on one of its sitting seats in favour of its ally.

Tamil Nadu was however much easy state as the Congress is a junior partner to DMK. But, the big embarrassment has come for Congress in Uttar Pradesh. Notwithstanding the united fight against formidable BJP in the Kairana by-election, the SP-BSP-RLD combine refused to accommodate Congress. The party is now hoping for repeating its best performance of 2009. The Congress won 21 seats in UP in 2009, the best in the recent past. Thus, the Congress President has given the call for Mission 30 for the party in the state that holds 80 seats in Lok Sabha. However, the election pundits also infer the Congress not joining the Mahagatbandhan as a strategy to prevent the upper caste votes shifting to BJP.

Mamata Banerjee is ready to work with Congress in national politics. But, the TMC refuses to embrace the Congress in West Bengal. A similar experience Congress confronts in Andhra Pradesh. In the wake of the failed experiment in Telangana, the TDP and Congress are going alone in the state. The CPIM proposed the principle of avoiding a mutual contest in at least six seats held by the two parties in West Bengal. But, the state congress wants a long term electoral understanding that can last till Assembly polls for which the Left is not ready for. Meanwhile, the BSP declared no deal with Congress anywhere in the country.

The BJP on the other hand successfully completed complex seat sharing arrangements in Bihar, Maharashtra. The Shiv Sena has been critical of BJP despite being in NDA. Setting aside the embarrassing behaviour of Sena, the BJP reached out to the party. In Bihar, the BJP sacrificed five of its sitting seats to accommodate its ally Janata Dal(U). The AGP walked out of NDA in Assam protesting against the Citizenship Amendment Bill. Yet, the party could rope in AGP and other North eastern allies in a region that sends as many as 25 seats to Lok Sabha. The BJP has forged a broader front led by AIADMK in Tamil Nadu that consists of PMK, DMDK. The swift handling of coalition politics makes the saffron brigade battle-ready as the Mandate 2019 fast approaches.

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Prof Nageshwar — Why Prof. Kodandaram fails to emulate Kejriwal?

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Prof Nageshwar — Why Prof. Kodandaram fails to emulate Kejriwal?


Prof Kodandaram, Aravind Kejriwal: both these leaders coming from the background of civil society movements led distinct political experiments in diverse politico-geographic terrain. Both these instilled a hope for new political culture. However, the success so far on the electoral landscape is quite contrasting.

Kejriwal trounced both Congress and BJP and continues to take a strident anti-Modi position, but, refuses to clearly identify with Congress.

On the contrary, Prof Kodandaram, the Chairman of the Telangana Joint Action Committee(TJAC) which spearheaded the movement for separate state differed with KCR to launch his own political outfit Telangana Jana Samithi(TJS). Failing to steer the party into a third alternative to ruling TRS and opposition Congress, Kodandaram got subsumed into Mahakutami led by the grand old party. His party TJS is now a marginal player confined to contesting half a dozen seats only as part of grand alliance.

The TRS has been accusing that the professor had a clear bias towards the Congress even during the movement. KCR, describing Kodandaram as a nonentity, said that former professor of Osmania University was handpicked by him to head the joint action committee and the latter has no independent role in running the movement. Soft-spoken, yet, sharply critical of the KCR regime, Kodandaram, on the other hand, claims that his new political party is only to fulfil the dreams of martyrs who laid down their lives for achieving a separate state of Telangana. The people of Telangana are yet to achieve the new Telangana which they have fought for, opines the TJAC chief in his interaction with this author. He further alleges that KCR accommodated many of those who bitterly opposed the formation of new state. Leaders who have attacked the Telangana activists and filed cases against them are included even in the cabinet while the true Telangana loyalists were left in the lurch.

Arvind Kejriwal was successful in defeating both the Congress and the BJP in the Delhi polls. Leaders in TJS hoped to emulate AAP model. But, there are several missing links that makes such a possibility remote for now.

The TJAC was a potpourri of different political parties, mass organisations with the TRS occupying the lion’s share of its strength. But, with the TRS coming to power, the TJAC got reduced to people who are either averse to KCR or could not be accommodated in the power apparatus in the new state. During the statehood movement itself, the Congress and the TDP were thrown out of the TJAC. The BJP and the Left parties chalked out their own course of political action subsequent to the bifurcation. KCR has skilfully co-opted most of the civil society activists who were hitherto part of the TJAC into the power parivar. Not just weakening the opposition parties through politics of defection, TRS engineered desertions even within the TJAC too. All this further weakened the Prof. Kodandaram.

Kodandaram in fact, failed to demarcate himself from the politics of TRS during the movement for separate state. The TJAC was more or less worked as the allotropic form of TRS and zealously carried out the political agenda of KCR during the movement. This seriously undermined the independent credentials of Prof Kodandaram thus consigning TJS , the party he floated, to a crisis of credibility when it assumed anti-KCR avatar.

Meanwhile, nearly four years since bifurcation was a too long period for the Prof. Kodandaram to enter politics. This period saw KCR emerging as an unassailable champion of Telangana cause. The opposition with all its might is finding it difficult to wipe out this iconic image chief minister has among the masses. On the other hand, Congress could consolidate to an extent as the option for those who are disenchanted with KCR rule. As the BJP blew hot and cold about KCR rule, Left parties remain not so important political players, Congress could consolidate its space within the opposition camp. Prof. Kodandaram did precious little to expose Congress as Kejriwal did in Delhi where he chided both the ruling and the opposition parties. On the contrary, the TJAC and latter TJS gave a perception that they are extended voices of the Congress. The TRS consummately promoted such a perception. Thus, the opposition space is too crowded for Prof. Kodandaram to make a real impact. Barring the assertion that it is committed to new and people’s Telangana, the TJS is ineffective in presenting its alternate programmatic agenda for the people to be attracted.

However, in a bid to ascribe Telangana identity legitimacy to Mahakutami, Congress accommodated Prof. Kodandaram as the convener of the Peoples front which it leads now. The Professor will be assigned the responsibility of monitoring the implementation of Common Minimum Program of the grand alliance. But, with hardly any MLA’s loyal to him and given the nature of the congress party it is anybody’s guess on what the professor’s role will be if the Mahakutami voted to power.

( Prof.K. Nageshwar is India’s noted political analyst. He is a former member of the Telangana Legislative Council and professor in the Department of Communication & Journalism, Osmania University, Hyderabad, India )

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Mahanadu Attack on BJP, what could be the Chandra Babu Naidu’s strategy for 2019

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Mahanadu Attack on BJP, what could be the Chandra Babu Naidu’s strategy for 2019


Chandrababu Naidu focused most of his attack on BJP and especially Prime Minister Narendra Modi in the recently held TDP Mahanadu. A shrewd strategist in Naidu would not have made this attack without any political strategy .

It is a fact that the BJP is not a force to reckon with in Andhra Pradesh politics and the strength of the saffron brigade has further got eroded after Modi dispensation blatantly denied special category status . Yet, Naidu and the TDP continues to focus all its tirade on BJP and in turn desperately attempts to establish that the opposition YSR Congress and even Pawan Kalyan are acting at the behest of BJP leadership .

To understand Naidu’s strategy in the run up to 2019, one has to go to the 2014 . The TDP which suffered humiliating defeats in the by polls in 2012 at the hands of YSR Congress could make surprising comeback in 2014, thanks to the bifurcation of the state and the subsequent political climate

The major bone of contention for the bifurcation was the status of Hyderabad . The Seemandhra people strongly believed that the residuary state of Andhra Pradesh would be grossly discriminated if the capital city goes to Telangana . The feeling that Hyderabad would not be their capital infuriated Seemandhra people . The decades of emotional, physical and economic connect with the sprawling city was the reason for such an emotional reaction.

Chandrababu Naidu could rightly sense the mood of the people and promised to the electorate that he would build a capital that could be much better than Hyderabad . The fact that Naidu during his earlier dispensation as the chief minister of the united state was certainly responsible for locating the city on global information and technology map gave credence to his promise.

The sense of helplessness nurtured by all the parties to sell their narrative over the bifurcation also created feeling that they need a strong and experienced leader who enjoys the centre’s liberal support to lead them to come out of the wounds inflicted by the arbitrary bifurcation.

Chandrababu Naidu could successfully market himself to be the right choice in such a context. His alliance with Modi who was already expected to win the national mandate has further helped him.

Thus, Chandrababu Naidu through his dexterous political skill portrayed Congress as the villain of bifurcation though every other party including TDP was the votary of bifurcation .

Now , in 2019 , it is no guarantee that the same strategy of politics around bifurcation may or may not sell . Naidu was cleverly waiting for an opportunity to build a new political narrative around which he could do electioneering in 2019. The BJP’s blatant denial of what was due to Andhra Pradesh came in handy for Naidu and his party .

Even the other parties also joined in putting Modi in dock over special status and precisely here, Naidu scored over others by pulling out of NDA and the Modi ministry. For reasons not explicitly told, the Opposition YSR Congress was lukewarm in its fight over BJP. The TDP successfully exploited the vacillation in the YSR Congress camp . Thus, Chandrababu Naidu has concentrated his attack on BJP and Modi. This will also help him divert people’s attention from the possible anti-incumbency his government has to face.

To locate himself in the right national context, Naidu also used mahanadu as an opportunity to convince the electorate that TDP would play critical role in 2019 when it comes to formation of new government in New Delhi.

As the 2014 election USP was bifurcation and the Congress , Naidu’s USP for 2019 would be BJP and the denial of special status.

( Prof.K. Nageshwar is India’s noted political analyst. He is a former member of the Telangana Legislative Council and professor in the Department of Communication & Journalism, Osmania University, Hyderabad, India )

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Why KCR keeps away from anti BJP show at Bengaluru?

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Why KCR keeps away from anti BJP show at Bengaluru?


The Karnataka elections drove KCR into a typical Hamletian dilemma of to be or not to be . The JD(S) leader, HD Kumara Swamy invited a host of non BJP leaders including his ally Congress for the swearing in ceremony. The Congress and several parties opposed to BJP find it as an opportunity to galvanise the anti Modi forces in the run up to 2019 general elections.

The Telangana chief Minister who earlier mooted a non-congress and non-BJP front of regional parties found the Karnataka polls as an opportunity to pitch his idea of federal front as strongly as possible. The Janata Dal (S) which was then fighting both the Congress and the BJP was the obvious choice of TRS chief to seek the support for his idea. KCR flew to Bengaluru to deliberate with HD Deve Gowda and HD Kumara Swamy and appealed to telugu voters in Karnataka to vote for JD(S) as it stood against both the Congress and the BJP.

But, the post election arithmetic threw a different dynamics altogether much to the discomfiture of KCR. The JD(S) suddenly plunged into an alliance with the Congress conveniently dropping the idea of a front equidistant from both the Congress and BJP into the Krishna Raja Sagara dam.

Thus, KCR was confronted with a dilemma on whether or not to be part of a grand show of parties opposed to BJP. There are arguments for and against KCR joining the Bengaluru show.

KCR supported JD(S) in the pre-poll scenario and cannot disassociate with the ceremony that installs a regional party leader as the chief minister. Despite the presence of Congress , KCR by attending this programme can reach out to several regional parties that are taking part in this grand show of strength . The JD(S) instead of succumbing to Congress has made the latter to agree to its conditions and thereby it is the celebration of the power of regional politics which KCR cherishes.

For that matter , not just the JD(S ) even the parties like the DMK, JMM or TMC or SP whose leaders KCR met are either part of Congress led combine or not averse to any alliance with the grand old party . If KCR distances with the crowning of JD(S) leader citing the presence of Congress leaders, it would be difficult for KCR to really find a party that would oppose both congress and the BJP under any circumstances.

On the contrary, Congress is his principal rival in Telangana politics. Though it is the crowning of Kumara Swamy, the fact remains that the government is a joint venerate of Congress and JD(S ) and the former is the main partner. The Karnataka episode is validation of the fact that no regional front is possible on its own and no credible anti BJP front is possible without the presence of Congress. Sharing the platform with congress would send wrong signals to his constituency back home. KCR cannot do anything that strengthens the image of congress and increases the proximity between Congress and the regional parties.

Given this dilemma , the shrewd politician in KCR found an interesting way out. He flew to Bengaluru a day before and congratulated Kumara Swamy to send a message that he is firm in uniting the like minded regional parties. At the same time citing the reasons like collectors meet , he chose to keep himself away from a show that would certainly feature Congress significantly . Collectors meet can be postponed by one day and it is in the hands of the chief minister. None can believe it to be a true reason for not attending Bengaluru celebrations. But, this is perhaps, the only way out given the political compulsions for KCR in the state of Telangana.

( Prof.K. Nageshwar is India’s noted political analyst. He is a former member of the Telangana Legislative Council and professor in the Department of Communication & Journalism, Osmania University, Hyderabad, India )

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Prof Nageshwar — While Jagan sets agenda, Chandra Babu follows

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Prof Nageshwar — While Jagan sets agenda, Chandra Babu follows


Chandrababu Naidu often describes himself as an experienced leader and senior even to Prime Minister Narendra Modi. It is certainly true. Even his critics acknowledge that Naidu treats politics as passion and is known to be a master strategist with killer instinct.
But, in what is seen as surprising by many political observers, Chandrababu Naidu of late has been responding to the agenda set by the opposition leader, YS Jaganmohan Reddy.

At least five such recent examples would suffice to arrive at this conclusion that is perplexing even for those close to Chandrababu Naidu.

Firstly, Chandrababu Naidu disowned the special category status and embraced special package. In what was certainly avoidable , Naidu while welcoming the special package has unnecessarily distanced himself from the emotional and sentimental demand for special status calling it not a panacea. But, his politics over special status and package has boomeranged. Even as Naidu vacillated on this demand, opposition leader steadfastly stood for special status with occasional intervals of calm. Finally, Naidu had to make a retreat and demanded special status . The TDP led government has ridiculed the opposition YSR Congress for blindly sticking to the special status ignoring the more benefits to be accrued due to the implementation of the special package. The Naidu government has let loose a rein of repression on the political and civil society groups demanding special status. Now, the TDP’s so called crusade for special status lacks credibility due to the earlier vacillation .

The opposition leader had demanded for the withdrawal of TDP ministers from Modi ministry to exert pressure on NDA government for according special status. But, the chief minister rejecting this demand from Jaganmohan Reddy called it an infantile demand. How can the state get anything if our ministers are not in the central government , TDP leaders including Chandra Babu Naidu frequently questioned Jaganmohan Reddy. But, as the temperature on special status increased, Naidu withdrew his ministers from Modi ministry giving a weapon to the opposition YSR Congress to claim: ‘we said it so then itself’.

Even after TDP representatives walked out of Modi ministry, the party did not immediately sever its ties with BJP. It remained in ruling NDA. The explanation offered for such a diabolical stand was that they were giving BJP still a chance for rapprochement. But, as the opposition continued to mount its pressure for TDP’s exit from NDA, Naidu had to follow.

Similarly, when Jaganmohan Reddy called for no confidence motion, Naidu again ridiculed . Chandrababu Naidu described the no confidence motion as the last resort. The TDP argued that such no trust motion will not help as the BJP has comfortable majority in Lok Sabha. But, when YSR Congress MPs moved the no confidence motion , Chief Minister told Assembly that his party is ready to support no confidence motion independent of whoever proposes it ,all in the interests of Andhra Pradesh.

But, within hours , the TDP reneged on its assurance and moved its own version of no confidence and refused to back YSR Congress sponsored no trust motion.

Finally even on rape of a minor girl in Dachepalle, the TDP has only followed the YSR Congress call for day long protests.

Thus, YS Jaganmohan Reddy is setting an agenda. Chandrababu Naidu is first ridiculing it only to do the same later. Such political vulnerability is unbecoming of leader like Chandrababu Naidu and will hurt his political fortunes if he fails to correct himself.

( Prof.K. Nageshwar is India’s noted political analyst. He is a former member of the Telangana Legislative Council and professor in the Department of Communication & Journalism, Osmania University, Hyderabad, India )

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Prof Nageshwar : Is Governor plotting conspiracy against Chandrababu Naidu.

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Prof Nageshwar : Is Governor plotting conspiracy against Chandrababu Naidu.

Ministers in Chandrababu Naidu cabinet made sensational allegations that governor is part of a political conspiracy against Chandrababu Naidu government sponsored by BJP led central government. They were critical of governor meeting the prime minister and home minister. The ministers have further alleged that governor is even trying to unite political forces against TDP government acting at the behest of the central government. Even the chief minister claimed that a conspiracy is being attempted against him directly or indirectly. Naidu once again reiterated TDP’s opposition to gubernatorial institution. These allegations are made immediately after governor had a meeting with Chandrababu Naidu. As TDP intensifies its anti-Modi rhetoric, the relations between governor and Naidu government hit a new low triggering a major political controversy and perhaps even a constitutional impasse.
The Chief minister had a long meeting with the Governor. No one knows what transpired between the two. But, angry outbursts by the ministers after this meeting fuel enough speculation that the centre might have sent unpleasant message through the Governor.

Speaking in a telugu television debate, minister, Nakka Ananda babu found fault with Governor for meeting Pawan Kalyan. The TDP leaders fear that the Governor is behind instigating Pawan on TDP. But, such an allegation is baseless and unceremonious as the opposition leaders can meet the Governor. Assuming that something fishy is happening against TDP in the opposition camp, governor need not do this. The BJP has its own channels to reach out to Pawan Kalyan if it wishes to do so and if there is any such possibility for BJP-Pawan nexus.

For that matter, no opposition party can dare to ally with BJP before 2019 polls in Andhra Pradesh.
Meanwhile, the ministers had also objected to governor meeting Prime Minister and Home Minister. It is certainly not a constitutional propriety for the Governor to meet political leadership at the centre. Governor can only brief the Constitutional Head of the Country, the President of India. But, this Governor is known for meeting central political leaders. In the past he even met Sonia Gandhi during the UPA regime. Surprisingly, the TDP never raised the issues of constitutional impropriety in governor meeting Prime Minister and Home Minister when TDP was with BJP in NDA.

Two more areas of governor’s possible intervention can be when there is a political instability in the ruling party and when there are corruption allegations to be investigated against the chief minister.

As of now, there are no signs of political instability in TDP at present. But, the BJP leaders were openly stating that some of the TDP leaders may desert Chandra Babu Naidu. Desertions to the extent of destabilising Chandra Babu Naidu government is a remote possibility, though nothing can be ruled out in politics. Any such election eve political manoeuvring by the BJP led central government that to in a southern state like Andhra Pradesh can prove to be costlier for the saffron party.

At a time when the state is simmering with discontent over the raw deal meted out by the centre, any vindictive action against Chandrababu Naidu could further rouse public sentiment in favour of the chief minister.

The BJP leaders are publicly threatening Chandra Babu Naidu of dire consequences over his alleged corruption. But a party that shared power with him for four years both at the centre and the state making such allegations after estrangement does not carry much importance. Meanwhile, if central agencies target Naidu all of a sudden now would only send a wrong political signal that the BJP is targeting Chief Minister for demanding justice to the state.

Any sensible political mind will not indulge in any such open attack on Chandrababu Naidu at this point of time. However, Centre’s attempts to arm twist Naidu in some way or other cannot be ruled out. Has Governor communicated any such indications to Chief Minister resulting in fresh round of TDP ‘s tirade over BJP? If the ruling TDP fails to put before the people of the state any concrete evidence or material to suggest centre’s intervention through the institution of governor, it can otherwise be concluded that Chandrababu Naidu and TDP are using the institution of Governor to rouse public sentiment against the BJP led central government to reap dividend in 2019 polls.

( Prof.K. Nageshwar is India’s noted political analyst. He is a former member of the Telangana Legislative Council and professor in the Department of Communication & Journalism, Osmania University, Hyderabad, India )

For more Insights :https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FBiHsdKpDIM

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Scoop – Why was Prof Nageshwar let go from Hans India?

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Scoop – Why was Prof Nageshwar let go from Hans India?

Nageshwar leaving hans india

Prof K Nageshwar quitting Hans India as Editor is passé. But the way he was shamed before being shunted out is making rounds in media circles. It was not just bad blood between the academic and the management that led to his resignation. There is more to it than meets the eye.

When the professor took over the reins of the young English daily, on November 7, 2014, he had the dubious distinction of being an academic to head a newspaper, and later its TV channel HMTV. Despite his visual impairment and no hands-on experience in any print and visual media organization, he managed to catch the pulse of Hans readers through his columns and HMTV viewers through his daily analysis of local, national and international events.

For more than two years, he had been going strong, opening new editions in Telangana and Andhra Pradesh and expanding the newspaper footprint in the Telugu states. His prudent editorial management has helped the paper to break even, first time since its inception, recently.

Then what had gone wrong and how did the professor fall from grace? Some time back, indications had emerged that all was not well when he was asked to focus on the newspaper instead of both the daily and TV channel.

Speculation was also rife that the management was looking for a replacement but the professor stayed put. Though his position became shaky, he ploughed on until Kingshuk Nag, former resident editor of the Hyderabad edition of the Times of India, was brought in as editorial advisor to the management. In any newspaper, when another head is put over the editor, it is clear that only one will remain and the other will be axed sooner or later. That’s an unwritten law. Prof Nageshwar should have seen the writing on the wall and left. Though he had sensed an office coup was in the making, with the obvious backing of the management, he couldn’t have imagined the way he was insulted out.
A day before he put in his papers on October 12, Kingshuk Nag had reportedly told him on his face at board meeting that he was “unfit to be editor.” The chairman’s silence was a signal to the professor that he was no longer needed.

The vacuum was immediately filled with next senior in the editorial department, Ramu Sharma. Though it is believed that his appointment as editor is a stop-gap arrangement to run the show, nobody knows who is on the management’s radar to replace Sharma.

Incidentally, he is a political reporter without any knowledge of production and news desk management. But what goes in favour of him is “he is close to the chairman.”

More than that, what the management wants is a pliable man who doesn’t oppose the ruling KCR government that has been facing a lot of media flak over the way it has handled the rain havoc in twin cities. Despite talk of spending hundreds of crores on improving the civic infrastructure, roads in the so-called world class city are worse than those in a provincial town.

The professor was bold enough to publish reports and photos of the state of roads –though not as many as the Times of India – and earned the wrath of the ruling dispensation. While the KCR government can’t touch biggies like TOI which don’t accept government ads, they are bread and butter for small players like Hans. And, governments use ads to ‘handle’ small and medium papers.

The professor’s no-compromise stand on publishing news seems to have irked the government so much that it is said to have conveyed its annoyance, albeit in a subtle way, to the Hans management. Its implication was either Nageshwar had to go or the paper had to forgo government ads. They are substantial, said to be more than Rs 5 crores a year. Fearing loss of revenue, the management had to devise ways to check him out.

Amidst the drama, the former MLC and the OU professor is said to have been offered vice chancellor post if he joins TRS. If what is being rumoured is true, it shows how the ruling party is trying to demolish opposition in the media and outside of it.

The footnote to the professor’s stint in active print journalism is, the treatment of scribes, particularly the top rung of the tribe, is universally the same: Tossing them out in a shameful manner. The climax in the Hans drama is Kingshuk Nag too quit.

Telugu360 is always open for the best and bright journalists. If you are interested in full-time or freelance, email us at Krishna@telugu360.com.

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