The resignation of Vangaveeti Radhakrishna from the YSR Congress has not only shaken the politics of Vijayawada but is expected to have an impact elsewhere in the coastal districts that still have a significant number of Ranga followers.

The first question is why did Radha resign from YSR Congress? The opposition party was quick to dismiss it as Naidu’s tricky politics. The YSR congress leaders also lamented that Radha fell prey to the machinations of Chandrababu Naidu. But, the sources within the party tell a different story. Radha claims Jagan has insulted him. YS Jagan has shifted Vangaveeti Radha from Vijayawada central to Vijayawada East Assembly constituency much to the discomfiture of this young leader. In fact, Yalamanchali Ravi, was made in-charge of YSR Congress Vijayawada East on the suggestion of Radha only. Thus, Vangaveeti Radha could not reconcile to this change. Party insiders tell that the personality of YS Jagan and V Radha do not match making their unity near impossible. Thus , the ego clash between two leaders is cited as the reason for Radha’s exit.

Meanwhile, YSR congress sources also accuse Radha of unilateral functioning within the party to which is obviously unpalatable to a leader like YS Jagan.

Then the second question is why did Radha indicate that he may join TDP. In fact, Radha is yet to make any formal announcement to this effect. However, his utterances in the press conference clearly indicate a shift towards TDP. Estranged from YSR Congress, Radha has few options left for his political career. He cannot join the Congress whose revival is impossible at least for 2019 . The Jana Sena has not shown any inclination to attract Radha and the latter too has not evinced much interest to join Pawan Kalyan. Sources close to Radha opine that there will be similar ego clash if Radha joins Jana Sena too. Meanwhile, Radha’s camp is also unsure of electoral chances for the Jana Sena party. Pawan Kalyan has already announced that he would have an alliance with the left parties. The CPI(M) will claim the Vijayawada central as it contested from this constituency in the past. Thus, Radha has no option except embracing the TDP.

But, why did he delay the announcement of his entry into TDP. The supporters of Radha and his electorate are certainly uncomfortable at the news that their leader will join the TDP . It is widely believed and even Radha has earlier alleged that the TDP is responsible for the murder of his father Vangaveeti Ranga . The Kamma- Kapu conflict has thrown up Ranga as the leader and Radha still inherits that legacy. Thus, the TDP owned by the Kamma an unnatural ally of Radha given the social base he represents. Thus, Radha is now busy managing this dissent. Radha in a surprise development clarified that his earlier criticism on TDP was wrong. Not the party, but few leaders are responsible for the death of my father, Radha maintained much to the annoyance of many of followers of Ranga, especially those who are critical of TDP . He has also appealed for house sites for poor in Vijayawada and probably the government of Chandrababu Naidu would accept this demand paving the way for the entry of Vangaveeti Radha into TDP.

The other question why is Chandra Babu Naidu so keen on inducting Radha into TDP fold despite no dearth of leaders within his party?

This is part of a serious effort t by Chandrababu Naidu to retain the crucial Kapu vote in 2019 polls. The Kapus are traditionally anti TDP. They have first time voted in large number to TDP when NT Rama Rao floated the party. In 2014 , several factors helped TDP to get Kapu vote which remains decisive in as many as 30 seats especially in its strongholds in two Godavari districts.

The bifurcation of state against the wishes of people of Seemandhra region made Congress totally unpopular . Kapus who traditionally voted largely for Congress were in disarray. The abortive Praja rajyam experiment has also annoyed them . Meanwhile, the post bifurcation narrative and Pawan Kalyan’s support helped TDP to rally Kapu vote to a great extent in 2014 playing a defining role in 2014 mandate. Besides, several promises along with quota for Kapus also contributed to this shift. But, Naidu is seriously worried over the erosion of Kapu vote especially after Pawan Kalyan became his foe.

He is now an mission to retain Kapu vote. This is the reason he is promising five percent reservations for kapus within 10 percent quota for Economically Weaker Sections. Sending friendly overtures to Pawan Kalyan in the recent past is also part of this political plan. Now, invitation to Radha fits into this electoral strategy of TDP for 2019.

( Prof.K. Nageshwar is India’s noted political analyst. He is a former member of the Telangana Legislative Council and professor in the Department of Communication & Journalism, Osmania University, Hyderabad, India )

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United India rally more to do with Mamata Banerjee’s PM ambitions than catapulting non-BJP front at Centre

The Congress top leadership is conspicuous by their absence at the United India rally in Kolkata. Mayawati sends her representative, as well, and KCR remained aloof despite his ‘federal’ overtures to the Trinamool Congress chief. Naveen Patnaik is unconcerned with the mega Opposition rally in his neighbouring state in the name of being ‘equidistant from the BJP and Congress’. The CPM cannot obviously be part of Mamata’s show as it is still the bitter rival, and YS Jaganmohan Reddy is not even invited as his main opponent Chandrababu Naidu steals the show, at least from the south.

Thus, the Kolkata rally is more to do with Mamata Banerjee’s prime ministerial ambitions rather than catapulting the non-BJP regime at the Centre. Besides, her aversion towards the BJP is a result of the saffron surge in West Bengal subsequent to the steep decline of the left.

Most Opposition parties agreed to dislodge the Narendra Modi-led BJP for reasons specific to them. However, the chinks in the Opposition camp come to the fore on the question of the whether the Congress would lead such a national coalition.

When the DMK chief pitched Rahul Gandhi as a prime ministerial candidate, the Trinamool chief was not too keen on endorsing the proposal. She said that this can be discussed only after the 2019 polls. The West Bengal has 42 Lok Sabha seats, and she is expecting a win in at least 40, improving her 2014 tally . If she can do so, which is highly likely, the Trinamool Congress will have largest number of Lok Sabha seats than any regional party, next only to the Congress in the non-BJP camp.

The Samajwadi Party and Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) decided to contest 38 seats each. No other regional party will contest in 40 seats, leave alone winning such a number of seats. This is the empirical basis for Mamata Banerjee’s prime ministerial ambitions.

The possible contenders from the regional camp are Mayawati and Naidu. But with the BSP loosing much of its shine and Naidu’s clout reduced due to bifurcation and possible anti-incumbency, Mamata remains the potential nominee for the highest post. Therefore, she is keen on capitalising the reservations some parties have towards the Congress leading the anti-BJP camp post 2019 . The massive mobilisation she resorted to in Kolkata was to show her strength rather than the antipathy towards the saffron brigade.

Furthermore, the manner in which she has been treating the Congress in her own state is believed to be the reason for the Sonia Gandhi and Rahul Gandhi’s absence at the rally. This is why regional parties like the Trinamool Congress and Telugu Desam Party (TDP) are interested in allying with the Congress in Delhi rather than Kolkata or Amaravati. In the wake of the humiliating defeat of the People’s Front in the Telangana Assembly elections, the TDP and the Congress are sceptical of forging an alliance at the state level again.

The Samajwadi Party and BSP, who have already finalised their seat-sharing formula leaving the Congress out, expressed similar apprehensions. Yet they are not averse to join hands with the Congress if the post-poll arithmetic demands. The Rashtriya Janata Dal’s (RJD) support to the SP-BSP combine despite the absence of the Congress indicates an unease in the Bihar mahagatbandhan. It is very clear that the regional parties in whose domain the Congress is a weak force do not wish to fight the elections under Rahls’ leadership. This is for two reasons: The SP or BSP do not want to give Congress a chance to revive itself in their home state, and they are not sure of being able to stall the Modi juggernaut if they fight under the leadership of the Congress and Rahul.

Of course, most of these regional and smaller parties have earlier been part of the BJP-led National Democratic Alliance. The TMC, TDP, Asom Gana Parishad, etc, are a few such examples. By rallying behind the Congress in the pre-poll arena, they, perhaps, would not want to foreclose the option of joining the BJP bandwagon if the post-poll arithmetic so warrants. The ideological pusillanimity of these regional parties validate such an interpretation.

Then there are other parties like the Telangana Rashtra Samithi (TRS), Biju Janata Dal (BJD), YSR Congress, AIADMK, etc. There are party-specific reasons for their absence at the Kolkata show. The AIADMK transformed into a proxy of the BJP after the demise of its leader, former chief minister J Jayalalithaa; The presence of the TDP makes the YSR Congress an outsider to any such opposition conglomeration; the Congress being the main opponent for both the TRS and BJD in Odisha, the anti-BJP and anti-Congress slogan perfectly fits into their political narrative. That’s why KCR was absent also at the Bengaluru Opposition meet marking the swearing-in ceremony of Karnataka chief minister HD Kumaraswamy. Parties like TRS, YSR Congress and BJD, which now talk about a ‘federal front’ are more opposed to the Congress than the BJP, indicating how qualitatively different they are from the political perception of parties like the TMC , TDP, SP or BSP.

Therefore, the grand gala show at best is likely to end up as yet another photo opportunity for those who are critical of Modi for their own specific reasons than a common cause. The devil, in fact, lies in the details of arriving at workable anti-BJP arrangements at the state level, driven by both the electoral arithmetic and political chemistry of that region.

( Prof.K. Nageshwar is India’s noted political analyst. He is a former member of the Telangana Legislative Council and professor in the Department of Communication & Journalism, Osmania University, Hyderabad, India )

Narendra Modi’s new quota formula might have passed the political test with almost all the opposition parties falling in line in an election year despite grumbling on the timing of the act. But, with PIL filed in the apex court, the law enacting the reservations for economically weaker sections has to pass the judicial test.

The constitutional amendment faces three specific judicial vulnerabilities.

Firstly, the Apex court in Indira Sawhney case said, solely the economic criteria does not fit into the ‘doctrine of reasonable’ classification for providing reservations. The Supreme Court in this historical verdict considered as the Magna Carta of the reservations jurisprudence clearly stated in Para 689 ,”… any reservation or affirmative action on economic criteria or wealth discrimination cannot be upheld under doctrine of reasonable classification. Reservation for backward class seeks to achieve the social purpose of sharing in services which had been monopolised by few of the forward classes. To bridge the gap, thus, created the affirmative action’s have been upheld as the social and educational difference between the two classes furnished reasonable basis for classification. Same cannot be said for rich and poor. A classification based on economic conditions for purposes of Article 16(1) would be violative of equality doctrine”. Thus the apex court has drawn a clear distinction between social and economic backwardness. Thus, the reading of Indian jurisprudence gives an impression that the highest court of the land has been stating that economic backwardness can be a ground for exclusion, but not for inclusion as far as affirmative action like reservations is concerned.

Secondly, the apex court in the same verdict observed that reservations being an extreme form of protective affirmative action, should be within the minority and quotas in any manner should be within fifty percent. This principle of balancing equality has been upheld in several of the judgments during the course of five decades of India’s jurisprudence. The Supreme Court in Indira Sawhney said that the principle of balancing equality ordains reservation, of any manner, not to exceed 50%. Still, the leaders of ruling party and the government have been arguing that the 50 percent limit enforced by the apex court is valid only to caste based reservations . The Supreme Court in MR Balaji, Indira Sawhney , Ram Singh etc., has been stating that the 50 percent limit is not a quantitative restriction but integral to the concept of right to equality which again form the basic structure of the constitution. Even the Parliament cannot amend the basic structure as per the Kesavananda Bharati case.

Thirdly, the reservations under article 16(4) of the constitution should qualify the test of not ‘adequately represented’ .

The exercise of power to reserve is coupled with duty to determine backward class of citizens and if they were adequately represented. If the Government failed to discharge its duty then the exercise of power stands vitiated. This is what the Supreme Court stated in the Indira Sawhney case (Para 695 ). Thus it is a constitutional obligation on the part of the State to first ascertain that a group of people in this case what the new law calls economically weaker sections are not adequately represented in educational and employment before reserving 10 percent seats.

If the Supreme Court gives a fresh reading on these questions , the government can get the credit for helping the poor among upper castes . In case the apex court sticks to its long held position, still the government reaps political dividend claiming that it was honest in helping them and the courts did not allow. But, in the latter’s case, the loser will be the poor who have not been getting any reservation benefits so far. Instead, the government should have done a detailed exercise before enacting this constitutional amendment. The political expediency seems to be the overriding factor.

( Prof.K. Nageshwar is India’s noted political analyst. He is a former member of the Telangana Legislative Council and professor in the Department of Communication & Journalism, Osmania University, Hyderabad, India )

Political parties and pundits alike are busy interpreting the Telangana mandate 2018. While the TRS claims it to be a pro incumbency vote, the opposition congress finds many an alibi for its defeat ranging from tampering of EVMs to negative perception generated by the dominating role of Chandrababu Naidu in the electoral campaign. But, what does the mandate really mean?

The TRS won 88 seats and polled 46.9 percent votes which is a massive increase of over 12 percent as compared to 2014 . This shows a clear positive vote for KCR whose regime suffered no universal discontent . A slew of welfare schemes helped to build a strong vote bank among the poor and women voters. The increased participation of rural voters especially the women and elderly defined the mandate 2018, indicating the popularity of his schemes. In fact, many of TRS MLA’s who were re-nominated were incurring the anti incumbency. But, the popular ratings enjoyed by KCR could nullify the adversity .

The welfare schemes initiated by KCR like the cash support of RS. 8000 per acre per year, Rs. five lakh insurance, cash assistance of over one lakh for the girl child in BPL families at the time of marriage , pensions for the elderly, widows, beedi workers, and differently abled etc. have created a pro incumbency for TRS . The discontent was sporadic and confined to few sections like the educated unemployed . The results indicate that the TRS could muster support across caste, religion and regional divide, thanks to its populist schemes. In 2014, the TRS victory was more or less confined to North Telangana . But in 2018, barring the undivided Khammam district bordering Andhra Pradesh, the TRS swept the polls across the state.

Though it lost the polls very badly, the Congress could increase its voting tally from 25.2 percent in 2014 to 28.4 percent in 2018. Given the fact that it left about 20 seats to its allies indicate that the Congress voting tally would have been much higher as the party contested on its own in 2014 . This clearly indicates that the Congress as such improved its position , but the four party alliance which it forged, failed to deliver for a host of reasons.

The congress had an understanding with Chandrababu Naidu’s TDP and the Telangana Jana Samiti (TJS) led by Prof. Kodandaram, chairman of Telangana Joint Action Committee(TJAC) that spearheaded the movement for separate state, and the CPI . But, the electoral arithmetic did not work for the benefit of Congress. The TDP suffered huge erosion post bifurcation especially due to the defection of its leaders to TRS or congress. The post bifurcation narrative was in-congenial for the growth and survival of TDP in Telangana . The TDP is a ruling party in Andhra Pradesh with which Telangana has serious differences . The party is led by the Chief Minister of the neighbouring state.

This turned out into a big embarrassment for Congress, as TRS made this alliance with TDP the main political plank. KCR cleverly and successfully painted the contest as the fight with Chandrababu Naidu. This triggered Telangana sentiment much to the advantage of TRS. The sharp fall in TDP voting did not deliver the expected favourable electoral arithmetic for the Congress . The TDP voting plummeted to 3.5 percent from 14.7 percent.

The TJS was a non starter and the CPI was a negligible player. Thus, the people’s Front forged by the Congress failed to provide the much needed electoral muscle for the grand old party .

The united Andhra Pradesh was critical in catapulting Congress led UPA to power both in 2004 and 2009 . In a sharp contrast, the Congress failed to wrest Telangana even as it trounced the BJP in its strongholds in North India.

KCR ‘s strategy of premature dissolution of state Assembly has certainly yielded rich electoral dividend. Fearing a political polarisation for and against Narendra Modi in which Congress can be on an advantageous ground, KCR went for early polls . The TRS which supported the idea of simultaneous elections for state assemblies and Parliament thus ended up delinking the two for political reasons . However, the electorate endorsed KCR’s stand.

The absence of even a single woman minister in KCR’s cabinet, non representation to the two major dalit groups, Madiga and Mala in state cabinet, stifling of democratic dissent which even the High Court has found fault with, the allegations of unprecedented escalation in the cost of irrigation projects indicating large scale politician-contractor nexus etc. failed to win away the voter from TRS as such issues remained the concerns of urban middle classes who were Luke warm to electoral participation.

The sad part of the story is that state witnessed unprecedented display of money power which does not augur well for the democratic process in the new state formed after decades of struggle and hope.

( Prof.K. Nageshwar is India’s noted political analyst. He is a former member of the Telangana Legislative Council and professor in the Department of Communication & Journalism, Osmania University, Hyderabad, India )

What was implicit all these years is now explicit. With the elevation of K T Rama Rao, son of Chief Minister, K Chandrashekhar Rao as the working President of the ruling TRS immediately after the Assembly elections, the process of succession in the TRS is now consummated.

Now that it is formal, the speculation is rife over the political future of KCR’s nephew T Harish Rao.

Though there was no open fight between KTR and Harish Rao, it has been a spicy political aspect in the state not just in the ruling party but even in the society at large. The opposition has even tried to politically exploit this competition for KCR’s legacy within the TRS to its advantage. More recently, in the thick and thin of election campaign, Congress working President, Revanth Reddy and the TDP leader, Revuri Prakash Reddy refered to the alleged political isolation of T Harish Rao ever since the efforts to anoint KTR has begun with greater pace. However, the shrewd politician in T Harish Rao was more than cautious to not to give any impression of his disappointment.

At one point of time, there was even speculation that in the wake of a hung Assembly, Harish Rao would lead a revolt in the ruling TRS to join hands with opposition to frustrate the efforts of his uncle and the TRS president, KCR to hand over the mantle of leadership to his son KTR.

To be fair Harish Rao and KTR, the duo left no stone unturned to send a message that they are together under the leadership of KCR. In fact, frustrated by the growing reports of his disenchantment with the way things are turning out in TRS, Harish Rao in a television interview said that he has no problem to work under the leadership of his cousin, KT Rama Rao. But, such a talk is quite common in politics till something unprecedented and unusual turn takes place, opined political observers and rival party leaders alike.

T Harish Rao was known for his political proximity with his maternal uncle much before K T Rama Rao plunged in politics. Harish was made a minister by KCR even when he was not a legislator. This was the time when the TRS joined the Congress led governments both in the state and the centre in 2004.

T Harish Rao with his powerful political skills earned the reputation as the trouble shooter within the TRS and was KCR’s first choice to execute even difficult political tasks delegated to him. His electoral career is also highly impressive as he breaks his own records in every election. This time too he won the Assembly elections with over one lakh majority which even KCR or KTR could not secure. Within the KCR cabinet, he was given the all important portfolio of irrigation and proved to be quite effective in his ministerial responsibilities.

Thus, KCR never undermined Harish Rao’s role within the party or government. Everything went well till the question of who will succeed KCR came to the fore. With KCR repeatedly expressing his willingness to enter national politics, resolving this question became much more urgent. Only in the recent past things were quite apparent that all is not well within TRS especially when it comes to the role of T Harish Rao.

K T Rama Rao started playing more important role ever since KCR assumed the Chief Minister’s throne. The priority given to KTR is evident both for the bureaucracy and the party. There were reports of Harish Rao’s role curtailed within the party affairs. Unlike in the past KTR was given important political responsibility of election management. KTR single handedly led the TRS to a landslide victory in the elections to Greater Hyderabad Municipal Corporation (GHMC) which is considered to be a complex task. KTR surpassed all expectations by delivering more than expected result to the party, his father and the state as a whole. In the recently concluded Assembly elections, KTR played much more important role as compared to Harish Rao in selection of candidates, campaigning and even in pacifying the rebels. Harish Rao was also brought in as a star campaigner along with KCR and KTR only after opposition started taking advantage of the affairs of TRS. Harish Rao not only was in the forefront of the campaign and attack on opposition but worked hard to dispel any notions of he being sidelined.

But, with the appointment of KTR, the cat is out of the bag. Harish Rao has to reconcile with the political reality that his cousin and Chief Minister’s son would be the heir apparent whatever may be his seniority and political acumen.

The manner in which KCR installed his son leaves little manoeuvrable scope for Harish Rao at least for now. KCR perfectly chose the timing to declare to the world that his son will succeed him. The leadership is much more invincible. KTR has proved his mettle many times. He will be asked to do so yet again in the Loksabha elections in his capacity as working president of the party before assuming the role of Chief Minister after his father makes a foray into national politics.

Thus, T Harish Rao has to reconcile to the reality of India politics that son succeeds. Given his abilities nothing could marginalise him in TRS as long he reconciles to the reality and decides to work under KTR.

Secondly, he can also move to national politics to assist his uncle. But, KCR ‘s daughter is already in Parliament and is known for articulation both in English and Hindi which is key qualification in national politics.

Otherwise, T Harish Rao has to wait for a political opportunity to prove his indispensability only when and if any such opportunity knocks his door. Finally, the risky option of floating yet another regional outfit or joining some other party to lead an open revolt on his uncle. But, nothing of that sort seems to be imminent at least for now.

( Prof.K. Nageshwar is India’s noted political analyst. He is a former member of the Telangana Legislative Council and professor in the Department of Communication & Journalism, Osmania University, Hyderabad, India )

For More Insights: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nB0rdQTtGkY

There is a general sense of satisfaction on the performance of the incumbent state government with however sporadic anti-incumbency prevailing in certain sections of society. The levels of satisfaction / dissatisfaction with the government performance vary from constituency to constituency and a section of society to the other depending upon the local issues and the concrete political climate prevailing in that Assembly segment.

Students of Department of Journalism, Osmania University, have undertaken a survey to assess the mood of the voter in four Assembly segments bordering the University campus — Amberpet, Musheerabad, Secunderabad and Uppal.

This survey is a part of their learning exercise on election reporting, which is part of the course curriculum. The survey is certainly not a representative of the prevailing electoral situation in these constituencies or in the city in general. Therefore, it is wrong to derive any universal conclusions from the survey. But it certainly helps in decoding the signals emanating from the electoral arena to an extent.

The survey revealed that there is a perceptible difference in the voters’ attitude towards the government between the beneficiaries of the welfare schemes and the non-beneficiaries. Aasara pensions and Kalyana Lakshmi / Shadi Mubarak schemes seem to be more popular welfare schemes. Even the non-beneficiaries are appreciating these schemes, especially the KalyanaLakshmi / Shadi Mubarak given the sentiment associated with marriage.

However, voters who are not the direct beneficiaries of any targeted welfare schemes expressed unhappiness over the quality of local governance and the civic issues left unresolved.

However, performance of the government alone seems to be not the only factor that is likely define the people’s mandate. The feedback of the people towards the incumbent MLA and the relative strengths of individual candidates will go a long way in shaping the voters’ choices. This trend is noticed in certain constituencies held by popular opposition MLAs, where the state government still enjoys favourable response.

The survey revealed a general sense of voter apathy that is a characteristic of an urban voter especially among the middle classes. They are generally cynical of the political system.
The voters are generally happy over the improved power situation and the maintenance of the law and order in the city. But they expressed dissatisfaction over bad condition of local roads.

Majority voters have not appreciated the necessity for premature dissolution of state Assembly. But they said it would not, in any way, impact their voting choices.

( Prof.K. Nageshwar is India’s noted political analyst. He is a former member of the Telangana Legislative Council and professor in the Department of Communication & Journalism, Osmania University, Hyderabad, India )

The BJP polled 10.5% of the votes on its own and got 14.65% votes along with its allies in the state assembly elections held in 2016. This was the highest ever vote share for the BJP since its formation. The party has been able to erode the Congress base substantially and also managed to cut into even the left votes, though in a small way, across the state. However, the BJP could win only one assembly constituency in the last assembly elections.

The BJP could attract into National Democratic Alliance (NDA) newborn political outfit, the Bharath Dharma Jana Sena (BDJS), P C Thomas’ Kerala Congress faction and the Janadhi pathya Ooru Vikasana Munnani headed by former left fire brand leader C K Janu.
However, despite such impressive voting tally , the BJP could not ensure any worthwhile presence in Kerala assembly.

In fact, Kerala is an ideal ground for BJP politics of majoritarian mobilisation as minorities constitute nearly half of the state population. The Muslims and Christian parties have a dominant presence in Kerala electoral politics providing potential for competitive mobilisation by BJP. Still, the party could not emerge as a dominant player as the congress occupies the right wing political space in the left dominated Kerala politics. With the BJP gaining ascendancy in the national politics moving from the fringes to the core of national polity , the saffron party considers the current epoch to be the right context to alter its political fortunes in Kerala. With the left in power in Kerala, the BJP and its parivar strongly feels that the Sabarimala verdict is the perfect weapon for its politico-religious and anti-left political mobilisation. With the congress taking a soft hindutva stand , the saffron narrative gains legitimacy. Thus, Sabarimala protest cannot be seen as sporadic outburst of anger over hurt religious sentiments. Hence it is a strategic political manoeuvring of the BJP in a state that remains a hard nut to crack historically since the days of its earlier incarnation, the Jan Sangh.

The RSS and the BJP have been desperately trying to capture a space for themselves in the political sphere of Kerala for the past many decades.

This is precisely the reason why the BJP which earlier welcomed the supreme court verdict has now joined the protest against it. The politico religious organisations are trying to portray the apex court verdict as a conflict between believers and non believers. Surprisingly, the congress sensing the political opportunity also joined the protest alongside BJP and sangh parivar though it earlier welcomed the supreme court judgement. Thus both BJP and the congress compete to reap political mileage from the religious sentiments of the conservative section of the society.

Deliberately ignoring the fact that it was supreme court bench that has allowed women of all ages into the temple and the state government constitutionally obliged to implement the verdict, the BJP, congress are turning the Sabarimala protest into anti left political mobilisation. The BJP is particularly keen on encashing the sentiment and the protest in the run up to 2019 parliamentary elections. It may be recalled here that the BJP government in Maharashtra implemented similar court verdict allowing women’s entry into Shani Shingnapur temple. The BJP implements court verdict allowing women entry into temple in Maharashtra, but opposes the same in Kerala. The BJP hailed the verdict initially and now joins the protest demanding that the government should not implement the verdict. Let the Modi government dare to bring an act in Parliament banning women’s entry into religious places wherever there is such a tradition and ritual.

For More Views: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vK_VQKDHzwE

( Prof.K. Nageshwar is India’s noted political analyst. He is a former member of the Telangana Legislative Council and professor in the Department of Communication & Journalism, Osmania University, Hyderabad, India )

Telangana immerses itself in the famous Bathukamma festival(Festival of Flowers). This hugely popular festival ,unique to Telangana region only, has transformed into a symbol of Telangana’s sub-regional identity.

It was the portentous weapon during the movement for separate state for Telangana. In the name of reasserting the cultural identity of Telangana, the traditional Bathukamma, literally meaning goddess of life, festival where women offer flowers to a goddess and seek her blessings, was organised and celebrated as public protest. Along with long-established Bathukamma songs, which have patriarchal overtones, new ones on the plight of Telangana and in praise of those who died for the cause of a state were composed and sung in public celebrations.
Similar to Tilak using Ganesh Chathurthi to mobilise masses in the freedom struggle, Bathukamma was effective in galvanizing peoples movement for Telangana state, given its mass participatory character. Pitted against the national party the congress, the TRS after coming to power has accorded Bathukamma the status of state festival and officially organises celebrations in a bid to further consolidate its identity politics. KCR’s daughter under the aegis of Telangana Jagruthi, an NGO, spearheaded the Bathukamma celebrations before and after the formation of state. Thus the Bathukamma festival is a significant case study in cultural politics.

Sankranti is the popular festivals in the coastal Andhra as it is an agricultural harvest festival and the region especially the Krishna ,Godavari basin is known for its agrarian prosperity. On the contrary, Bathukamma festival is the more prominent festival compared to even Sankranti. This difference helped the Telangana activists to use the festival as an identity of Telangana.

The Bathukamma festival has several noteworthy features that even any region should emulate. It fosters a spirit of community and collective consciousness as the villagers en masse converge to sing and celebrate the festival. The themes in the Bathukamma songs denote the rich cultural traditions and the struggle for life of the people. The festival is also the celebration of womanhood as it is female centric .

Besides, the festival has lot of environmental importance too. The colourful flowers attractively arranged in tiers provide a visual feast besides purifying the air and water with their medicinal properties. Thus the festival is not a demonstration of pomp and show but intimately attached to nature . The inherent lesson the festival offers is to protect and preserve the nature for the larger good of the humanity .

Flowers like Cassia, Celosia, Marigold, Chrysanthemum, Lotus, Cucurbita leaves and others from uncultivated and barren plains of the region are used to decorate the Bathukamma indicating the richness of life and tradition.

It is widely believed that when hundreds of Bathukammas are immersed in the water bodies like tanks , the concentration of the medical properties increases in water leading to the death of bacteria, fungi and protozoan’s. This helps in preventing water-borne diseases such as cholera, typhoid and diarrhoea along with some skin diseases.

The Thangedu (Cassia auriculata )has antibacterial, anti-fungal and antiprotozoal properties. Gunugu (Celosia argentea ) is useful in treating jaundice, diarrhoea , gonorrhoea , wounds , fever and diabetes. Lotus (Tamera ) strengthens heart and helps in maintaining blood sugar levels . Banthi(Marigold) is used in treatment of allergic reactions, eczema and bruises. Chamanthi (Chrysanthemum ) helps in detoxification and clear vision.

However , this does not mean that these flowers should be directly used. Further research is needed to study the significance and scientific content of flowers used in the Bathukamma festival . But, the festival practises tell us the immense value of nature and how humanity can be benefited from it.

( Prof.K. Nageshwar is India’s noted political analyst. He is a former member of the Telangana Legislative Council and professor in the Department of Communication & Journalism, Osmania University, Hyderabad, India )